Education
is one of the few areas nowadays that is still considered a purely
sovereign matter, an issue over which national governments – and, in
many countries, even local authorities – should have control. But, in
today’s world, it seems that no issue is immune to political
manipulation. That is the case with Ukraine’s new framework law on
education, which has become the target of harsh opposition not so much
from within the country, but rather from some neighbouring countries.
The
law, adopted last month by Ukraine’s parliament, reflected a long and
inclusive policymaking process. Among its provisions is Article 7, which
specifies that students in schools and universities should study in the
national language. Article 7 seems to be in accord with European norms.
Perhaps more important, it will benefit all Ukrainian citizens,
including minority-language speakers, who will be better equipped to
integrate fully into Ukrainian society.
Under the previous education
system, some students would receive their entire 11 years of schooling
(to be raised to 12 under the new law) in a minority language, mostly
Russian, but sometimes Hungarian and Romanian. About 400,000 students
are currently on such a track, which has usually ended with students
graduating high school lacking even a working knowledge of Ukrainian –
the language in which the country conducts its business.
In fact,
just this year, more than half of all graduates of Hungarian-language
schools failed tests of Ukrainian. Unable to attend a Ukrainian
university, these students have little choice but to find local work in
Hungarian that requires only a secondary-school education, or move to
Hungary.
The education reform will change this. From 2020, after a
three-year transitional period, a minority language can be used as the
main teaching language only in kindergarten and elementary school, from
which point (after the fourth year of school) most instruction should be
in Ukrainian. Some schools for indigenous people, such as Crimean
Tartars, will be allowed to keep the old system, but for the most part,
graduates of Ukrainian high schools will, under the new system, be adept
in the Ukrainian language.
This change will help to eliminate de
facto segregation of minority-language speakers, thereby unifying
Ukrainian society – critical to a strong and vibrant democracy. It will
also equip all students, including ethnic and linguistic minorities, not
just to thrive in the labour market, but also to participate more fully
in Ukrainian democracy, potentially securing government positions that
enable them to advance further the interests of their fellow ethnic
minorities.
It should also be noted that, while the rule will lead to
less minority-language instruction, it does not preclude it. Education
in minority languages will be provided through separate classes and
groups, with some programmes allowing for instruction in multiple
languages. For example, if a Hungarian speaker were studying Hungarian
literature, they would be able to do so in their native tongue.
All
in all, the case for Ukraine’s new education law could not be stronger.
Yet neighbouring countries are deliberately distorting the legislation’s
significance, claiming that it is somehow a threat to ethnic minority
groups. And they are prepared to punish Ukraine for it.
Hungarian
Foreign Minister Peter Szijjarto has declared that, if the law is not
changed, his country will block further Ukrainian integration into
Europe. “We can guarantee that all this will be painful for Ukraine in
future,” he added. Szijjarto, along with his counterparts from Romania,
Bulgaria, and Greece, also voiced opposition to the Council of Europe
and the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe.
Moreover,
Romania’s president cancelled a visit to Ukraine scheduled for this
month, and withdrew an invitation for the speaker of Ukraine’s
parliament to visit Bucharest. And, perhaps most ominous, Russian
Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov accused Ukraine of trying to “Ukrainise”
the education system, in violation of the country’s constitution and
international agreements.
Beyond being a gross misrepresentation,
this approach is blatantly hypocritical, as the countries that are
complaining about Ukraine’s new language rules have similar systems in
place. Though Hungary is home to some 8,000 Ukrainians, there is not a
single Ukrainian-language school in the country. The same is true for
Russia, with its Ukrainian minority of over 2mn. In Romania, with its
roughly 50,000 Ukrainians, there is only one Ukrainian-language school.
The
Ukrainian government has said that it will submit the law to the
Council of Europe, allowing the Venice Commission to determine whether
it meets CoE standards. President Petro Poroshenko has promised to
consider changing the law, depending on the Commission’s conclusions.
But,
judging by Article 8 of the CoE’s European Charter for Regional or
Minority Languages, which Ukraine has ratified, it seems reasonable to
expect that changes won’t be needed. That provision states that a system
that guarantees sufficient minority-language learning in ordinary
schools (in separate classes) is just as acceptable as one that ensures
minority education through separate minority-language schools. Moreover,
the charter states that, in secondary education, it is sufficient to
guarantee “the teaching of the relevant regional or minority languages” –
not necessarily other subjects – “as an integral part of the
curriculum.”
Regardless of the Venice Commission’s assessment, the
response from Ukraine’s neighbours remains a serious problem, as it
represents a flagrant effort to manipulate internal Ukrainian policy
through intimidation. Ukraine, which has been occupied for more than 300
years of its history, knows what it is like to have its language
threatened. Even its own government, under deposed president Viktor
Yanukovych, attempted to undermine the Ukrainian language in 2012 with
its Russia-encouraged “Russification” policy.
Ukrainian is the
official language of Ukraine, just as Russian is the official language
of the Russian Federation, Hungarian is the official language of
Hungary, and Romanian is the official language of Romania. While
minority languages are important and the rights of their speakers must
be respected – as Ukraine’s new education law does – it is the official
language that unites a society and enables citizens to participate in it
fully. Ukraine’s government has the right – indeed, the duty – to
ensure that all of its citizens are proficient in it. – Project
Syndicate
* Oleksandr Sushko is Research Director at the Institute
for Euro-Atlantic Co-operation in Kyiv and a member of the Maidan
People’s Union Council.
Ukraine’s new framework law on education reflects a long and inclusive policymaking process.