An inclusive Ukrainian education

Educationis one of the few areas nowadays that is still considered a purelysovereign matter, an issue over which national governments – and, inmany countries, even local authorities – should have control. But, intoday’s world, it seems that no issue is immune to politicalmanipulation. That is the case with Ukraine’s new framework law oneducation, which has become the target of harsh opposition not so muchfrom within the country, but rather from some neighbouring countries.Thelaw, adopted last month by Ukraine’s parliament, reflected a long andinclusive policymaking process. Among its provisions is Article 7, whichspecifies that students in schools and universities should study in thenational language. Article 7 seems to be in accord with European norms.Perhaps more important, it will benefit all Ukrainian citizens,including minority-language speakers, who will be better equipped tointegrate fully into Ukrainian society.Under the previous educationsystem, some students would receive their entire 11 years of schooling(to be raised to 12 under the new law) in a minority language, mostlyRussian, but sometimes Hungarian and Romanian. About 400,000 studentsare currently on such a track, which has usually ended with studentsgraduating high school lacking even a working knowledge of Ukrainian –the language in which the country conducts its business.In fact,just this year, more than half of all graduates of Hungarian-languageschools failed tests of Ukrainian. Unable to attend a Ukrainianuniversity, these students have little choice but to find local work inHungarian that requires only a secondary-school education, or move toHungary.The education reform will change this. From 2020, after athree-year transitional period, a minority language can be used as themain teaching language only in kindergarten and elementary school, fromwhich point (after the fourth year of school) most instruction should bein Ukrainian. Some schools for indigenous people, such as CrimeanTartars, will be allowed to keep the old system, but for the most part,graduates of Ukrainian high schools will, under the new system, be adeptin the Ukrainian language.This change will help to eliminate defacto segregation of minority-language speakers, thereby unifyingUkrainian society – critical to a strong and vibrant democracy. It willalso equip all students, including ethnic and linguistic minorities, notjust to thrive in the labour market, but also to participate more fullyin Ukrainian democracy, potentially securing government positions thatenable them to advance further the interests of their fellow ethnicminorities.It should also be noted that, while the rule will lead toless minority-language instruction, it does not preclude it. Educationin minority languages will be provided through separate classes andgroups, with some programmes allowing for instruction in multiplelanguages. For example, if a Hungarian speaker were studying Hungarianliterature, they would be able to do so in their native tongue.Allin all, the case for Ukraine’s new education law could not be stronger.Yet neighbouring countries are deliberately distorting the legislation’ssignificance, claiming that it is somehow a threat to ethnic minoritygroups. And they are prepared to punish Ukraine for it.HungarianForeign Minister Peter Szijjarto has declared that, if the law is notchanged, his country will block further Ukrainian integration intoEurope. “We can guarantee that all this will be painful for Ukraine infuture,” he added. Szijjarto, along with his counterparts from Romania,Bulgaria, and Greece, also voiced opposition to the Council of Europeand the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe.Moreover,Romania’s president cancelled a visit to Ukraine scheduled for thismonth, and withdrew an invitation for the speaker of Ukraine’sparliament to visit Bucharest. And, perhaps most ominous, RussianForeign Minister Sergei Lavrov accused Ukraine of trying to “Ukrainise”the education system, in violation of the country’s constitution andinternational agreements.Beyond being a gross misrepresentation,this approach is blatantly hypocritical, as the countries that arecomplaining about Ukraine’s new language rules have similar systems inplace. Though Hungary is home to some 8,000 Ukrainians, there is not asingle Ukrainian-language school in the country. The same is true forRussia, with its Ukrainian minority of over 2mn. In Romania, with itsroughly 50,000 Ukrainians, there is only one Ukrainian-language school.TheUkrainian government has said that it will submit the law to theCouncil of Europe, allowing the Venice Commission to determine whetherit meets CoE standards. President Petro Poroshenko has promised toconsider changing the law, depending on the Commission’s conclusions.But,judging by Article 8 of the CoE’s European Charter for Regional orMinority Languages, which Ukraine has ratified, it seems reasonable toexpect that changes won’t be needed. That provision states that a systemthat guarantees sufficient minority-language learning in ordinaryschools (in separate classes) is just as acceptable as one that ensuresminority education through separate minority-language schools. Moreover,the charter states that, in secondary education, it is sufficient toguarantee “the teaching of the relevant regional or minority languages” –not necessarily other subjects – “as an integral part of thecurriculum.” Regardless of the Venice Commission’s assessment, theresponse from Ukraine’s neighbours remains a serious problem, as itrepresents a flagrant effort to manipulate internal Ukrainian policythrough intimidation. Ukraine, which has been occupied for more than 300years of its history, knows what it is like to have its languagethreatened. Even its own government, under deposed president ViktorYanukovych, attempted to undermine the Ukrainian language in 2012 withits Russia-encouraged “Russification” policy.Ukrainian is theofficial language of Ukraine, just as Russian is the official languageof the Russian Federation, Hungarian is the official language ofHungary, and Romanian is the official language of Romania. Whileminority languages are important and the rights of their speakers mustbe respected – as Ukraine’s new education law does – it is the officiallanguage that unites a society and enables citizens to participate in itfully. Ukraine’s government has the right – indeed, the duty – toensure that all of its citizens are proficient in it. – ProjectSyndicate* Oleksandr Sushko is Research Director at the Institutefor Euro-Atlantic Co-operation in Kyiv and a member of the MaidanPeople’s Union Council.